Darren Woods, chairman and CEO of Exxon Mobil Corp. Bloomberg/Getty Images |
Exxon Mobil CEO Darren Woods has found someone new to blame for the climate crisis: you. "We have opportunities to make fuels with lower carbon in it, but people aren’t willing to spend the money to do that," Woods told Fortune. "The people who are generating those emissions need to be aware of and pay the price for generating those emissions. That is ultimately how you solve the problem." He also said it was too late now to develop greener technologies. There’s a lot to unpack in there. As experts surveyed by Guardian reporters Dharna Noor and Oliver Milman pointed out, Exxon has played a big role in delaying policies fostering greener technologies, due to decades of misinformation campaigns attempting to deny the reality of the climate crisis. The notion that big emitters "need to be aware of and pay the price for generating those emissions" is likewise an interesting argument to hear coming from Exxon, given that the oil and gas industry has gone all out to block a new Securities and Exchange Commision rule requiring emissions disclosures, as TNR’s Kate Aronoff details in a new piece. But the most complicated claim here is that ordinary consumers are to blame for the climate crisis. "It’s like a drug lord blaming everyone but himself for drug problems," climate economist Gernot Wagner told The Guardian. It’s an apt comparison. Purdue Pharma did exactly this, blaming users for getting hooked on highly addictive painkillers that Purdue developed and pushed hard on the medical industry despite evidence that this would cause widespread addiction and overdoses. And as with the victim-blaming over drugs, a lot of people find Woods’s individual climate–blame logic compelling. |
Getting consumers to focus on their own actions, rather than what politicians can do to curtail fossil fuels, was the whole idea behind the original "carbon footprint calculator" on oil giant BP’s website, which encouraged consumers to "go carbon neutral" by offsetting their own personal emissions while the company continued to profit from high-emissions products. The idea has spread, including among environmentally conscious people, resulting in both defeatist and obstructionist attitudes toward actual climate policy: A lot of people feel guilty about their "green sins," as climate writer Mary Annaïse Heglar has written, and conclude that if they can’t get to a net-zero lifestyle on their own there’s not much hope for the climate as a whole. This is the defeatist side of the "personal responsibility" belief. A lot of people also think (urged on by corporate and political messaging, of course) that tackling the climate crisis means they will have to pay a lot of money and make a lot of sacrifices, leading them to oppose climate policy. This is the obstructionist side of the "personal responsibility" belief. But do consumers actually prefer high-emissions products? Are they actually cheaper? The New York Times reported this week that households in Maine are "falling hard" for heat pumps, adopting the energy-saving devices faster than any other state as heat pumps outpaced gas furnace sales for a second year in 2023. The state rebates and federal tax credits from the Inflation Reduction Act are helping, but the main reason heat pumps are being adopted so quickly, this story suggests, is that once one household installs a heat pump as proof of concept—often despite strong initial skepticism—everyone else wants one. From the Times: |
"Ten years ago, they weren’t really popular," said Josh Tucker, of Valley Home Services, a family-owned heating company outside of Bangor. "No one really knew what they were." He first installed heat pumps in his sister’s new home in 2014, over the objections of her building contractor who, Mr. Tucker said, "was against it big time." "He thought she was going to freeze to death unless she had a furnace or boiler," he said. She didn’t, and uses the same heat pumps today. The new technology was embraced especially quickly in one northern Maine community after Mr. Tucker’s father installed heat pumps at a Methodist church there. The Tucker family still sells heating oil and propane, but less and less. Its heat pump business, meanwhile, grew from installing two to three units a week to 3,000 last year, a nearly 20-fold increase. "We’ve done TV ads, advertising on social media, but the big one’s always been word of mouth and that’s how it exploded," Mr. Tucker said. |
What does this have to do with Darren Woods? Well, recall what the CEO said about consumer choice. One reason it’s interesting to see Maine "falling hard" for heat pumps is that the heating oil and gas industry spent lots of time and money convincing people that heat pumps wouldn’t work in places like Maine, claiming the devices wouldn’t work in cold weather. "Internal documents show that the National Oilheat Research Alliance, a trade association representing heating oil sellers, has funded campaigns fighting electrification that target New England homeowners and real estate agents," The Washington Post reported almost a year ago. The Propane Education and Research Council, similarly, "has put out training material coaching installers how to dissuade customers from switching to electrical appliances." Consumers don’t make their choices in a vacuum. No one does. The options available to them right now are the result of decades of corporate profits on high-emissions products leading to further investments in these products and entrenching economies of scale. Those profits in turn were guided by over a century of government subsidy. The government’s tools for boosting greener products are severely hampered by a tremendous amount of corporate lobbying on Capitol Hill, consumer marketing, and the rulings of judges that these corporations helped put on the bench. And this full-court press works: The Biden administration, for instance, is pulling back from several Environmental Protection Agency rules intended to nudge the market toward more climate-friendly products, due to concerns about court challenges and election-year pushback. When the playing field is made less uneven, consumers often respond with striking alacrity, as we’re seeing with heat pumps. How many other commonsense solutions would consumers willingly adopt if they weren’t being lied to and constrained by a largely rigged energy market? CEOs like Woods and the politicians in their pockets have created the world that Woods now blames consumers for trying to navigate. CEOs like Woods continue to profit from consumers’ limited options. Consumers will vote with their dollars, yes—but they need genuine choices. |
—Heather Souvaine Horn, deputy editor |
Researchers think they’ve found a nontoxic way to get an organic polymer out of crustacean shells—a possible plastic replacement for packaging, and one that could theoretically make use of shells currently ending up in landfills. |
That’s the number of "chemical features" detected by researchers in a single plastic packaging sample, in a new study attempting to figure out what plastic food packaging is actually made of and how it might be affecting human health. (Feature detection is a way of determining what chemicals are present.) The authors concluded that "most plastic food packaging contains endocrine- and metabolism-disrupting chemicals" and that "samples with fewer chemical features" were less toxic. |
This excellent piece about the little-known institutions that can speed or impede the energy transition focuses primarily on the Georgia Public Service Commission, "the only government body with direct authority to regulate whatever Georgia Power [the state’s largest utility] does." But reporter Emily Jones also looks at similar bodies in other states, which climate-concerned voters might want to learn about: |
Every state has a public service or public utility commission that controls electricity. In 10 states, utility regulators are elected directly by ballot. In the remaining 40, they’re appointed by other elected officials, like the governor or state legislature. Many, though not all, states require their utilities to file IRPs that predict future demand for power and map out how the utility will meet that need. What’s common nationwide is that the future of clean energy hinges on the decisions of these public utility commissions. Cities, states, and companies can resolve to cut emissions, but if they buy power from a regulated utility they don’t ultimately control how their power is made; the regulators do. Even the Department of Defense, with its $800 billion budget, is subject to the decisions of these commissions. |
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