| |  | | | | | | | Former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, in a searing critique of his successor, Benjamin Netanyahu, accuses him of purposefully dragging out the war in Gaza and trying to spark a broader war with Hezbollah, among a long list of other actions he is undertaking, Olmert argues, that could destroy Israel.
Shahar Regev, a high school civics teacher in Israel, reflects on this year's graduates and asks: "Can I honestly assure my students that the state and the IDF will protect them? Or that Israel will remain a democracy? That there won't be civil war? What kind of life will they have here?"
Celeste Marcus argues that liberal American Jews have the capacity and obligation to agitate, lobby, and organize for liberalism in Israel and for a Palestinian state just as savvily as their right-wing counterparts have been battling against them.
Chuck Freilich writes that in deciding how to react to escalating cross-border fighting with Hezbollah in Lebanon, Israel's next move must be done in the most calculated and calibrated of ways – there's no room for error.
Moran Stern explains why, despite the calamity in Gaza triggered by the October 7 attack, support for Hamas has surged in the West Bank.
Noa Limone argues that Israelis need to understand that the war in the Gaza Strip is essentially a war over the future of the West Bank and its settlers, making it all the more essential to reach a diplomatic solution.
Gideon Levy writes that Israelis should also be agitating for the release of Palestinian detainees, or as he calls them "abductees," being held in Israeli prison, like Palestinian activist Bassem Tamimi, when they protest for the release of hostages from Gaza. | | |
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