The man of the hour is without doubt Melenchon. Before other leaders of the New Popular Front — a makeshift alliance of Socialists, Communists and Greens — could get a word in, the far-left firebrand took center stage at a gathering of followers. “This is extraordinary; two weeks ago you might not have believed this would happen,” Melenchon said, pumping up the crowd with his oratory skills. Later he busted out into a rousing rendition of national anthem, La Marseillaise.  Melenchon reacts during an election night rally. Photographer: Sameer al-Doumy/AFP/Getty Images So who is he? The son of a post office worker and a teacher, both descendants of Spaniards and Italians who emigrated to French Algeria at the turn of the century, Melenchon was born in Tangier, now Morocco, when it was an international zone. He moved to France at the age of 11, studied philosophy, did various jobs including as a journalist and proofreader and got involved in Trotskyist politics. He joined the Socialist Party in 1976 at the age of 25, and was elected to various regional, national and European legislative positions. Why are investors afraid of him? Melenchon often regales crowds with the evils of “extreme markets that transform suffering, misery and abandonment into gold and money.” This is probably the closest markets have come to taking his words seriously. Melenchon considers France a country “with huge wealth that is badly distributed.” He’s a fan of former Venezuelan leader Hugo Chavez and Cuba’s Fidel Castro and like them launches into fiery speeches, often without a teleprompter and using his trademark mix of humor and anger. Either way, the squabbling has already begun — and neither the euro nor France’s yield spreads will like the noise coming out of Paris. The tone of defiance that Melenchon has struck will not sit well with bond investors wary of what the implications of his rhetoric — now no longer an idle threat — will mean for France’s deficit. The election is the beginning of a more turbulent period, according to executives gathered in southern France this weekend. One of the biggest hits could be on the image of France as a top European destination for foreign investment. The country was already entering uncharted territory with the prospect of a far-right government or a gridlocked one. Now the most likely one is the one that France’s 1% feared the most. WATCH: French executives are anxious about the outcome of the French legislative elections. Jordan Bardella, just a week ago, could already picture himself perhaps as becoming France's youngest prime minister. It was not to be and the 28-year-old and heir apparent to Le Pen is not a gracious loser. He is crying foul about the “unnatural” alliances that shut his party out. Speaking at a rally, he complained that “voting arrangements orchestrated from the Elysee palace by an isolated president and an incendiary left won’t lead anywhere.” Macron has kept a low profile, and continues to do so. In a statement, his office said he would wait until the formation of the new National Assembly was completed before making any decisions: “In his role as guarantor of our institutions, the president will ensure that the sovereign choice of the French people is respected.” Macron, who usually loves to talk, isn’t talking and is keeping cards close to his chest. Gabriel Attal is falling on his sword. France’s youngest prime minister, hand-picked by Macron as part of his plan to revive his government, says he’ll submit his resignation on Monday. The move, while perhaps not surprising, sends a message that he is differentiating himself from Macron (who could of course ask him to stay on for the Olympics that kick off in Paris this month).  Le Pen speaks to the press following her party’s defeat today. Photographer: Carl Court/Getty Images Meanwhile, Le Pen is trying to pretend she didn’t have a bad night. Speaking to TF1 Television, she said: “The tide is rising, it hasn’t risen high enough this time, but it’s still rising.” Asked if Macron should resign, she says she is calling for nothing tonight. As we wrote in our Big Take, Le Pen betrayed her own father and political roots to bring her party this close to power. It wasn’t enough. |