Labour’s approach to climate action could not be more different to previous governments. Both Rishi Sunak and Liz Truss reneged on the work done by Boris Johnson and Theresa May on the climate crisis, opting instead to water down net zero policies and starve relevant departments of funding.
Chris Stark, the former head of the Climate Change Committee (CCC), said that Sunak had set Britain back because of his government’s failure to prioritise the issue in the way his predecessors in No 10 did. “There was a narrative that was really entrenched with the last government that net zero was a burden,” Fiona says. Sunak veiled his reluctance to prioritise tackling the climate crisis in the language of “pragmatism”, while rolling back, delaying or entirely abandoning pledges and insisting that the responsibility to do more lay with more polluting countries, such as China. Labour’s stance represents a complete reversal in attitude, tone and policy.
“The government is being bold and unapologetic in its messaging and is making the case clearly that this issue is important to the whole world and it’s also important for the UK specifically,” Fiona says. “And if the country doesn’t play its part in [climate] leadership globally, then we are all doomed”.
The challenges
Ed Miliband has wasted no time in implementing his agenda. Within weeks of being in office as energy secretary, he lifted bans on onshore windfarms, withdrew government support for the country’s most controversial oil and gas projects, and drafted legislation to create a publicly owned power company. The government has also reappointed a climate envoy and installed, for the first time, a nature envoy.
This week, Miliband vowed to take on “nimbys” – obliquely describing them “blockers, delayers and obstructionists” – to push through the rollout of wind turbines, solar farms and pylons. He argued that it was not just about the environment: these policies were highly important for “national security” and “economic justice”.
The big question now is all about money. How are Miliband and Steve Reed, the environment secretary, going to fund all of their ambitious new plans? The urgency and need for swift change is hampered by a Treasury that does not want to spend. Keir Starmer has already told the public to expect “painful” decisions, and Rachel Reeves echoed that sentiment last week. “I’ve been really clear that the budget on 30 October will require difficult decisions on tax, on spending, and on welfare,” she said. Being fiscally restrained is the only path to stability, the chancellor insists, but eight leading economists wrote in a letter to the Financial Times that “under-investment is a central cause of the UK’s poor recent economic performance and the root of many of the problems we now face as a country”.
Despite the passion and energy from certain corners of the cabinet, there is still real hesitation about how much to centre climate and environmental policies in Labour’s agenda. “They don’t see political mileage in it and they’re worried that lots of people are still wedded to an anti-environment attitude that was really amplified during the Truss and Sunak years,” Fiona says. “But putting real investment into this is crucial – how can you bring about this kind of low carbon future if you don’t invest?”
The reaction
The government’s shift has been welcomed by states, NGOs, activists and diplomats, especially at a time where right-wing populist parties that stand in the way of climate action are gaining power and popularity. In Germany and France, climate policies are becoming a focal point of far-right attacks – to the point where embattled centrist parties are dialling down their plans. Across Europe, the phenomenon has been dubbed the “greenlash”. “Everyone is delighted that the UK no longer has a government that is flirting with climate denial and waging a culture war over the planet. It is so important, especially given the challenges in climate diplomacy because so many progressive governments are in such difficult positions,” Fiona says.
But again, without proper investment, climate action is almost impossible, Fiona adds. As Lammy looks to expand and repair the UK’s climate reputation, “we’ve got to get these things right domestically as well. If you can’t sort out sewage in your own rivers, no one’s going to believe that you can sort out the impact of the climate crisis in Chad”.
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