| Assisted dying has been voted on, and rejected, twice in parliament (in 1997 and 2015) in the last 27 years. In 2015, it was defeated by a three-to-one margin. In both cases, it seemed clear that it was not going to pass because of a lack of support among MPs at the time. The outcome of today’s vote could have profound and far-reaching consequences. As an issue of moral debate, some have likened assisted dying to capital punishment, abortion and equal marriage. “It fundamentally changes the attitude the state has to life and death. I can’t think of many things that are more important,” Jessica says. “It affects more people than any other issue. We might not all get married or need an abortion but everyone is going to die at some point”. Why now? It might seem confusing why, so early in Labour’s reign, this bill has emerged as the most prominent piece of legislation. But the reason is simple: Kim Leadbeater (pictured above, left), the Labour MP behind the bill, came first in the private member’s ballot, essentially a lottery at the start of a parliamentary session giving 20 backbench MPs priority time for their chosen cause. “It was basically an accident of luck,” Jessica says. “The further you are down the ballot, the less time there is for your bill to become law. In practice, only the first five or six bills ever really get enough time to become law.” There is an added layer to this unique situation: prime minister Keir Starmer has been a proponent of changing the law. Although the government has stayed neutral, “there has been a feeling that, potentially, there was a bit of pressure for someone who was early in that private member’s bill ballot to pick this as an issue,” Jessica adds. Fraught mood Some figures have changed their minds on the issue since the bill was proposed: former prime minister David Cameron, who previously opposed moves to legalise assisted dying, said that he now believes the current proposal was “not about ending life, it is about shortening death”. Conversely, health secretary Wes Streeting, who voted for the legalisation of assisted dying back in 2015, has now strongly come out against changing the law. The changes of opinion have put people in perhaps counterintuitive oppositional stances, creating a fractious atmosphere in Westminster. Stephen Kinnock, the minister responsible for palliative care who would oversee assisted dying if legalised, has made it clear he is strongly in favour of the bill, putting him out of step with Streeting, his boss. The bill has also led to unlikely alliances: Labour’s Diane Abbott and the Conservative Sir Edward Leigh, Britain’s longest-standing MPs, issued a joint call in the Guardian urging the Commons to reject the bill, arguing it is being rushed through and puts vulnerable people at risk. Why are MPs hesitant? Many will vote against the bill on principle, potentially guided by religious conviction, concerns about disabled people’s rights, or fears over whether the NHS can manage such a responsibility, particularly in the area of palliative care. The bill does have tough safeguards: any intervention would require approval from two doctors and a high court judge, which Leadbeater says would make assisted dying the “safest choice” and the UK’s legislation the“strictest” in the world for terminally ill adults. However, Dominic Grieve, a former Conservative attorney general under Cameron, said he had concerns about terminally ill patients being coerced into opting for assisted dying, and worries that the bill’s definition of coercion and control was too narrow. A UN report noted that there are “attitudinal barriers as well as the lack of appropriate services and support” that could pressure someone into ending their lives prematurely. So challenging is the subject at hand that some MPs have decided to turn to their constituents directly, holding public meetings and canvassing them for their opinions. Though those relying solely on this method to make their decision have garnered some criticism – (one Reform MP literally got his constituents to choose for him via informal referendum). “Critics have said that MPs actually have a bit of a different job to the average person, which is to consider the impacts of a bill like this on wider society as a whole, and that is a different responsibility to when you think about what you might want for yourself,” Jessica says. New Labour MPs, barely six months into their parliamentary careers, are particularly conflicted. “This is potentially the biggest conscience issue they’ll face,” Jessica says. “Many might never have deeply considered this topic before.” What’s next? A significant number of MPs remain undecided. “Many people will be listening in the chamber to hear speeches before they make their final decisions,” Jessica says. And even if Leadbeater secures enough votes to win today, the bill faces a complex legislative journey. MPs could vote twice more on the bill, including on any amendments, after which it would go to the House of Lords. “It will be a historic parliamentary moment, but this is just the first stage,” Jessica says. Proponents view this as a once-in-a-generation opportunity. “This is a very progressive parliament, and public opinion is strong,” Jess says. Three-quarters of the public are in favour of the legislation, according to a recent YouGov poll. “It really feels like this is the moment – if it’s going to happen, it’s now,” Jessica says. “And if it isn’t the moment today, it might feel like it is unlikely to ever happen”. | 