Power Mad:

A weekly accounting of the rogues and scoundrels of America

 

Pro-Trump protesters congregate before storming the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021.

Jon Cherry/Getty

The one-year anniversary of the January 6 Capitol riot, fomented by former President Donald Trump and his Big Lie, has naturally served as a moment of reflection on the current state of our nation’s democracy and whether the threats that so harrowingly and shockingly emerged that day ever really went away. But as these commemorations advance these important discussions, another more toilsome question continues to unfold in the background: What will happen to those who actually participated in the attack on the U.S. Capitol? The manner in which these defendants are held accountable could play a large role in whether our democracy emerges from this storm intact.

 

This week, a bevy of reporting has offered a fairly comprehensive look at the gargantuan process already underway: herding the more than 700 people currently charged with January 6–related crimes through the criminal justice system (with many more to come). Unsurprisingly, it’s a bit of a mess. Individual judges have been left to weigh the merits of each case based on the available evidence and the room provided by prosecutors who have been eager to craft plea deals, as BuzzFeed’s Zoe Tillman has reported. Judges have been left to determine whether jail time is appropriate; in many instances, they are issuing combo-platter sentences with a variety of punishments, ranging from fines to home confinement to counseling. Nevertheless, there are some emerging themes: More than half of those charged with misdemeanors have, according to Tillman, “received sentences that were lighter than what the government recommended as far as loss of liberty.”

 

Advertising

 

According to Politico’s Nick Niedzwiadek, “Judges aren't enamored with the low-level plea deals” that have taken place, and in general they view the events of that day as far more consequential than the charges filed against the participants for crimes such as “illegal parading” suggest. Nevertheless, they have been “wary about imposing long prison terms except when violence, or the threat of it, was involved.” Subsequently, the first wave of defendants have not been saddled with long prison sentences. 

 

The state of these sentences raises important questions about what justice should look like in cases like these. Are light sentences that avoid lengthy spells in jail truly commensurate with the popular idea that an insurrection took place on January 6? There are some caveats to consider. As most of the extant reporting takes pains to note, some of the more serious and complicated prosecutions have yet to take place, including cases of defendants accused of violence against capitol police officers and others who are cooperating with investigators in search of bigger fish to fry. And it’s worth keeping in mind that it’s simply more difficult to successfully charge defendants with crimes such as sedition and treason because the statutory standards for those offenses tend to be (appropriately) more challenging to meet. Crimes, ultimately, have to fit statutes, and punishments need to fit those crimes.

 

Beyond the requirements of the law, there is still a strong case to be made for mercy. For one, the judges are wise to consider the big-picture needs of our democracy and make any possible effort to lower the temperature. One of the last things we need is to create, from this abundance of potential defendants, a huge population of martyrs that an authoritarian movement can mythologize for their own illiberal ends. As The Washington Post reported in August, most if not all of the judges have gone to considerable lengths in plea and sentencing hearings to puncture the idea that the defendants are being held responsible for their political ideas or their misguided notions of patriotism. One district judge, in fact, characterized a defendant as “a pawn in a game that’s played and directed by people who should know better,” as Tillman reports.

 

The attack on the Capitol was ultimately a product of “The Big Lie”—the ongoing campaign of the former president and his inner circle to falsely characterize President Biden’s legitimate win as a stolen election. And with that in mind, the harshest opprobrium should be for the Big Liars–not those who were taken in by their deceptions. The judges’ restraint in handing down punishments, so far, seems to be keeping this in mind. At the same time, as Tillman reports, “No judge has found that individual rioters weren’t culpable because they were corrupted by online conspiracy theories or inspired by Trump.” As one judge put it during a sentencing hearing, “No one was swept away to the Capitol … No one was carried. The rioters were adults… There may be others who bear greater responsibility and who also must be held accountable, but this is not their day in court, it is yours.”

 

It’s reasonable to expect ordinary people to regard those who participated in the Capitol riot with a mixture of fear and anger; it’s natural to want to see these defendants punished to the fullest extent of the law. Judges exist to temper those emotions and restore balance in the pursuit of justice. It’s important to remember that even people who we disagree with, or don’t like, deserve fair treatment under the law. And it’s to our benefit if justice is served with a helping of perspective, even mercy–that we break the cycle of retribution and leave room for both truth and reconciliation. One year after one of the worst days in U.S. history, this work seems to be getting done slowly, but getting done right. 

 

—Jason Linkins, deputy editor

 
{{#if }}

Support Our Journalists

Our writers and editors are bringing you the most important political news and commentary of the day—we invite you to join us.

Here’s a special offer to subscribe to The New Republic.

—Jason Linkins, deputy editor

Try The New Republic for just $10
{{/if}}
 

From Atop The Soapbox

As you might imagine, the one year anniversary of the Capitol riot has been at the front of mind for many Soapbox contributors. Grace Segers wrote about her personal experience at the Capitol that day and why she finds it so difficult to write about. Walter Shapiro explains how January 6 forced him to “shed aspects of my naïve belief in American exceptionalism.” Daniel Strauss talks to January 6 Commission Chair Bennie Thompson about the group’s focus at the start of the year. Kathryn Joyce warns that the far-right is bent on exporting the January 6 version of violent nationalism around the world. Elsewhere, Matt Ford tries to read between the lines of Chief Justice John Roberts’ latest public comments. Andrew Koppelman frets over an odd argument that conservative justices might embrace to fight vaccine mandates. And Audrey Clare Farley takes a look at a new movement that’s trying to “deconstruct” the far-right teachings of the evangelical church. All this and more awaits at The Soapbox.

 

What Subscribers Are Reading

In order to avert a catastrophe for democracy, the party must get over its Joe Manchin problem ahead of the 2022 midterms.

by Walter Shapiro

 

Hey Democrats, your president is trying to redistribute money from the dead back to the living. You aren’t giving him much help.

by Timothy Noah

 
The New Republic
Introductory offer: 50% off fearless reporting. 1 year for $10.
Donate
facebook
 
instagram
 
twitter
 

Update your personal preferences for newsletter@newslettercollector.com by clicking here

Copyright © 2022 The New Republic, All rights reserved.

Our mailing address is:

The New Republic 1 Union Sq W Fl 6 New York, NY 10003-3303 USA


Do you want to stop receiving all emails from TNR? Unsubscribe from this list. If you stopped getting TNR emails, update your profile to resume receiving them.