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Not to get all “back in the day” on you, but remember when John McCain and Barack Obama spent the months before the 2008 election competing to see who could appear most concerned and proactive about the financial crisis? It’s all I could think of when watching President Trump’s interview with “Axios on HBO” last week as he insisted there is no crisis. “United States is lowest in numerous categories. We’re lower than the world,” Trump said, pointing to coronavirus deaths as a proportion of cases and ignoring the U.S.’s soaring per capita death rate. Even as a kick-off to Washington’s traditional August “silly season,” it was a demoralizing sight.
 
Since the beginning of this pandemic, The New Republic’s Apocalypse Soon has been publishing pieces on the evolving scientific understanding of the coronavirus, observing the many parallels between America’s struggle to process and respond to epidemiological science and America’s struggle to process and respond to climate science. “My climate grief and my grief about the coronavirus pandemic feel devastatingly similar,” Mary Annaïse Heglar wrote back in March.

Both crises represent tectonic shifts in the way the world works. Both bring a sense of finality, that “nothing will ever be the same again.”… There’s also the maddening, infuriating parallel of watching the Powers That Be ignore the science and neglect their duty to protect the public, leaving us all to fend for ourselves—to fight this overwhelming and overpowering menace through our own “individual actions.”

 

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The past month has offered yet another example of that with the school reopening debate. Three weeks ago, TNR published a comprehensive piece on why it’s so hard to make schools safe and what the latest research suggests would be needed for them to reopen safely. Yesterday, The New York Times reported that some schools that have doggedly pursued reopening are already seeing clusters of coronavirus cases. And today, the Times followed that up with a close look at a suburban Atlanta school district’s growing case count.
 
Much has been made of the vaccines under development. Almost half of them, as TNR contributor Melody Schreiber wrote earlier this week, are so-called platform vaccines, which offer great promise not just for fighting SARS-CoV-2, the virus causing Covid-19, but for quick vaccine development in the future. The idea is that the base of a vaccine could be created well ahead of time and then quickly adapted for a specific virus. It’s the kind of technology that could prevent future pandemics, in theory. We’re not there yet for the coronavirus, though, and several experts Melody talked to worried the vaccines would be politicized and possibly rushed to market too soon with either reduced efficacy or side effects that might reduce public trust in the entire process.
 
A day after we published her piece, that possibility became significantly more likely. Russian President Vladimir Putin announced the approval for a coronavirus vaccine before it had undergone any of the typical large-scale clinical trials. As several outlets have already observed, this is almost certain to stoke Trump’s competitive side, perhaps causing the U.S. to prematurely approve a vaccine, too. As Melody reported earlier this week:

A compressed timeline could obscure a vaccine’s side effects, or it could obscure the fact that a given vaccine simply doesn’t work—leading those who were immunized to believe they’re protected when they’re not. If that happens, Rasmussen said, “That’s going to really erode people’s trust in the entire process. And then we’re going to be in really bad shape…. If people don’t trust the process, if you don’t trust the vaccines, more and more people are not going to get the vaccines, and then we will really have no hope of ever being without the coronavirus circulating among us.”
 

The Cold War arms race between the U.S. and Russia did not ultimately result in the mass death that many people feared. But a vaccine arms race could well do so.
 
—Heather Souvaine Horn, deputy editor
That’s roughly the amount of U.S. coastline covered in concrete. Read the BBC’s feature this week on why it might be smarter—for sea level rise, for ecosystems, and for absorbing emissions—to build salt marshes instead.
A federal judge ruled against the Trump administration’s creatively loose interpretation of the Migratory Bird Treaty Act, which would have allowed those responsible for the death of migratory birds to be absolved so long as they can prove it wasn’t intentional.
In the next step of its environmental deregulation crusade, the administration is expected to lift an Obama-era rule requiring companies to check for and plug methane leaks.
This giant climate hot spot is robbing the West of its water
The Washington Post has a deep dive on the budding water crisis in the Colorado River region, driven by global warming. It includes some great graphics and an interesting historical perspective: 

Starting in 1898, Henry Kohler recorded the monthly mean temperature, the total precipitation and other details. He and other observers sent their reports to be compiled in Denver.

These early records, written in cursive, form the foundation of NOAA’s official temperature records, which show that around the close of the 19th century, Delta County’s climate was more than 2 degrees Celsius cooler than it is today.

Even as they eyed the weather, these settlers dug ditches and open canals to maximize their access to water. That early engineering feat has morphed into a vast network that now irrigates 919,017 acres of crops on the Western Slope, according to the state’s water plan. Thousands of miles of ditches crisscross the landscape, a small portion of which have been lined with concrete or transformed into buried pipe.

But that network only functions if there’s snowpack.


By Juliet Eilperin / The Washington Post
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