A weekly accounting of the rogues and scoundrels of American politics
There’s nowhere more dangerous to stand in American politics today than the space between a Never Trumper and a television camera. People who spent their careers in the Republican Party, painstakingly building the foundations for Donald Trump’s divisive rhetoric and corrosive politics, are now in a mad competition to rebuke him publicly. The flamboyance of their rejection unerringly rises in proportion to the availability of media sinecures, book deals, or donor money for vainglorious new projects.
 
As we come to the end of Trump’s first term, if not his presidency, more and more of these anti-Trump-come-latelies are going to wash up on the beach of the newscycle. Some are going to have a canny look about them, the juddery twitchiness of men who harbor memories of doing some substantial wrongs. Men like Miles Taylor.
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Earlier this week, Taylor appeared on camera with cheeks scrubbed clean enough to sell 76 trombones and told new versions of old stories about the president. Trump, he said on CNN, wanted to trade Puerto Rico straight up for Greenland because the former territory was “dirty” and its residents “poor.” "Some of the President's closest advisers did not think he had the mental acuity to do the actual job," he assured his TV audience.
 
In an ominous op-ed he penned for The Washington Post, which kicked off his big week, Taylor described Trump as an erratic danger, focused on his own short-term political gain, unconcerned with national security, and bent on a misrule with far-reaching consequences. “After serving for more than two years in the Department of Homeland Security’s leadership during the Trump administration,” Taylor wrote, “I can attest that the country is less secure as a direct result of the president’s actions.”
 
There’s not much new or novel information here, so journalistic value is debatable. But consider that Taylor says he worked “for more than two years in the Department of Homeland Security.” More specifically, he served as chief of staff for former DHS Secretary Valkyrie Kirstjen Nielsen, who oversaw the separation of migrant families at the border. Taylor might look back now at his time with some small amount of rue, but he served the president’s anti-immigration policies for long after they were revealed to be morally cretinous; he even promoted a “tough” but “fair” version of Trump’s despicable Muslim ban.
 
Taylor’s first attempt to leave the Trump administration behind brought him to Google, who initially hired him to be a government affairs and public policy manager (or “lobbyist”). Googlers quickly discovered, possibly by using Google, what Taylor had been doing prior to his arrival at their firm, and when it came to light that he was Nielsen’s aide-de-camp, it touched off a hue and cry in a company filled with employees who had been touched by Trump’s cruel policies.

Google’s P.R. team initially interceded on Taylor’s behalf, making assurances to the firm’s rank-and-file that Taylor had never had any involvement in Trump’s family separation scheme, but Buzzfeed’s Ryan Mac and Jason Leopold subsequently reported that the company had “misled” their own aggrieved employees; that in reality, Taylor was actively involved in “prepping [Nielsen] with reports and talking points ahead of public appearances between April and June 2018, when the family separation policy was in effect.” Taylor reportedly was in Nielsen’s “tight inner camp,” from which he assisted in preparing the “Protecting Children Narrative,” which was the “department’s spin on a policy that horrified Americans when images of abandoned, caged migrant children in squalid camps emerged.”
 
Now on leave from Google, Taylor has begun the second act of his karma laundering: cutting ads for Republican Voters Against Trump and slowly emptying his burn book in cable news hits. None of these efforts are going to shift many votes in the election. But it’s worth pointing out that Taylor’s brief against Trump largely fillets the man, his personality, his erratic tendencies, and his unreliability. It leaves plenty of room for a different sort of president to enact the same sort of despicable policies. It leaves room for Taylor to maybe, at some point down the line, pick up where he left off.
 
As we come to the possible end of Trump’s presidency, many of his enablers will continue to hang around Washington, looking for their next gig, hoping to eventually hold some authority over our lives again. That’s how This Town works: Yesterday’s deadbeats are tomorrow’s Machiavellis and vice versa. The only way to break this cycle is to cast them out for good.

—Jason Linkins, deputy editor

If you want coverage of the Democratic National Convention, we’ve got it, from the first days of agenda setting to the last days of magical thinking, odd substancelessness, and big ideas from which Biden emerged as the embodied champion of Democratic Party hopes. But if you’d rather not rehash the Democrats’ Big Zoom Get-Together, there’s more on offer. Osita Nwanevu argues that the left should start looking past election season and get prepared to organize for action on Inauguration Day. Federico Finchelstein, Pablo Piccato, and Jason Stanley assess Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez's warning about fascism as prescient and necessary. David Roth penetrates Trump’s unique fascination with gossip and conspiracy theories. Adam Weinstein assesses Trump’s plan to destroy the postal service alongside other strongmen on the dictators’ learning curve. Alex Pareene has seen the future of the Republican Party, and it is a dude named Madison Cawthorn. Alex Shephard warns that zombie magazines are on the rise, spreading misinformation. Rachel Hawley takes a look at what’s been going on in your instagram feed and the hollowness of social media activism. Christopher Sprigman came up with a plan that Biden can use to defeat the Trumpian federal judiciary. And finally, Bruce Bartlett offers us all a chance to stop worrying and learn to love socialism, which is as American as apple pie.

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