• Thursday was the first day on the job for newly-confirmed Secretary of State Rex Tillerson. The former Exxon CEO, a controversial pick given his lack of experience in government and alleged closeness to Russia, appears to be rather more diplomatic than his boss. “No one will tolerate disrespect of anyone,” he told career diplomats at State Department headquarters. “Before we are employees of the State Department, we are human beings first. Let us extend respect to one another, especially when we may disagree.”

The contrast between Tillerson’s assurances and more divisive comments by others in the Trump camp may placate some of his critics. As Tamera Cofman Wittes, Director of the Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution and a former State Department staffer, put it in one part of a tweetstorm: “he is clearly an experienced leader/manager, something that can benefit State ‘bigly.’”

• But after President Trump's not-so-diplomatic phone calls became the talk of Washington on Thursday, it’s evidently worth wondering for some countries: Do we actually want a relationship with Trump himself?

Speaking to the Wall Street Journal’s Julian Barnes, Bosnian co-president Mladen Ivanic said he hoped his nation would stay off Trump’s radar. “We will probably be a topic for bureaucrats in the State Department. Which is not bad,” Ivanic said. “Unless we make such a big problem we become interesting for politicians, which would not be good for us.”

• Senator John McCain continues to push back against Trump. He released a letter to the president on Thursday advising him that Russian President Vladimir Putin is “moving quickly to test you as commander in chief” by increasing the scale of the conflict in Ukraine. Putin, meanwhile, responded with his own message to the West, suggesting during a speech in Budapest that Kiev had escalated the fighting in the country’s east in the hope of more U.S. support.

Ukraine looks to be an early test for Trump, and it will be watched extremely closely given all the rumors about links between Trump Tower and the Kremlin. The new administration’s policy may throw up some surprises, however: Trump’s new U.N. ambassador, Nikki Haley, used her first Security Council appearance Thursday to condemn Russia for the “dire situation in eastern Ukraine."

• In some cases, it can be hard to understand to whom Trump is speaking — and who is speaking for him — when he does respond to foreign events. On Wednesday his tweets on Australia seemed to contradict assurances from diplomats that the U.S. would abide by an agreement to accept 1,250 refugees languishing in Australian detention camps.

On Thursday a senior administration official told The Jerusalem Post that Trump wants Israel to stop building settlements. “We urge all parties to refrain from taking unilateral actions that could undermine our ability to make progress, including settlement announcements,” the official told the Israeli paper. “The administration needs to have the chance to fully consult with all parties on the way forward.” Later that evening an official White House statement said new settlements "may not be helpful, while also noting that Trump "has not taken an official position on settlement activity" and that settlements are not "an impediment to peace."

It is unclear what Trump’s pick for ambassador to Israel, David M. Friedman, thinks of this. Friedman is an outspoken supporter of settlements, and he has suggested Trump would support Israeli annexation of parts of the West Bank.

• Whether the Trump administration will follow the Obama administration’s lead on any foreign policy initiatives depends on who you ask — and perhaps ultimately how the initiative turns out. The Post’s national teamhas a great scoop about how the White House has completely thrown out an exhaustively worked-on plan from the Obama team to seize Raqqa, the self-proclaimed capital of the Islamic State, and is now working on drawing up a new one from scratch.

It looks like the new plan may move away from arming the Syrian Kurds and attempt to work more with Russia and Turkey, but it seems likely that the new administration may hit some of the roadblocks that stalled previous efforts.

 
Armed men in uniform identified as US special operations members in northern Syria in May 2016 (Delil Souleiman/AFP/Getty Images)</p>

Armed men in uniform identified as US special operations members in northern Syria in May 2016 (Delil Souleiman/AFP/Getty Images)

The buck stops where?

When news broke of the Trump administration’s first counterterrorism mission, a raid on a suspected al-Qaeda base in Yemen, the White House called the mission an unqualified success.

White House press secretary Sean Spicer noted that 14 terrorism suspects were killed and "an unbelievable amount of intelligence" was gathered. But subsequent reports suggest that, in fact, almost everything went wrong. Numerous civilians were killed, including an 8-year-old American citizen, along with a Navy SEAL. An $80 million aircraft sustained heavy damage and was intentionally blown up.

In the aftermath, unnamed military officials blamed Trump for the outcome. They told Reuters that the president did not have "sufficient intelligence, ground support, or adequate backup preparations" in place when he made the call to go forward. Retired Adm. William H. McRaven, the former head of Joint Special Operations Command, told CNN that risky covert missions only succeed when such meticulous planning exists.

But how much responsibility for these decisions actually lies with the president? While presidents don't gather intelligence or design missions themselves, they are responsible for asking the right questions. It's their job to understand the risks of a mission and what contingencies are in place.

Colin Kahl, who served as a deputy assistant to former president Barack Obama, has charged that Trump simply didn’t ask those questions. He tweeted on Thursday that the outgoing administration intentionally left decisions on raids in Yemen to the new president. “Obama thought the next team should take a careful look,” he said, but “team Trump didn't do a careful vetting of the overall proposal or raid.”

In fairness, gathering this kind of information in Yemen is difficult. The country's ongoing civil war forced even the most well-trained Americans out of the country in 2015, making it much harder to assess areas where raids would be carried out and what kind of opposition commandos might face.

Even so, it's on the President to decide if due diligence has been done. "You can mitigate risk in missions like this, but you can’t mitigate risk down to zero," William Wechsler, a former top counterterrorism official at the Pentagon, told the New York Times. In this case, it seems, mitigation and preparation may have taken a back seat. — Amanda Erickson

 

President Trump speaks on the phone with Australian Prime Minister&nbsp;Malcolm Turnbull&nbsp;on Jan. 28.&nbsp;(Alex Brandon/AP)</p>

President Trump speaks on the phone with Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull on Jan. 28. (Alex Brandon/AP)

The big question

Our colleagues' big scoop on President Trump's combative phone call to Australia is far from the only big leak we've from the Trump White House so far. News outlets seem to be getting a steady diet of documents and tales of acrimony from within the administration. So we asked Aaron Blake, a senior political reporter for The Fix, the Post's politics blog: What do all the leaks tell us about Trump’s first two weeks in office?

"Leaks generally aren’t from moles who infiltrate a politician’s office for the purpose of leaking things. They come from someone who is supposed to be “on the team,” and they’re a symptom of discord of one kind or another — sometimes multiple kinds all at once.

"They happen when people know they’ll have to deal with an unnecessary problem that’s not of their own making. They happen when people are frustrated. They happen when people don’t feel like they are part of a cohesive team and no longer care if the leaks hurt their bosses.

"We have seen this, I think, on a large scale when it comes to the leaks coming out of the intelligence community. Trump regularly poked intel agencies by doubting their information and conclusions, even eventually comparing their conduct to “Nazi Germany.” And what we saw the whole time was a steady stream of leaks about Russian hacking and more that reflected poorly upon the man who, by the way, was about to take oversight of their entire apparatus as president.

"More recently, plenty of reporting indicates Trump’s team didn’t keep basically anybody in the loop on its controversial travel ban executive order. So while a poorly prepared and implemented ban would have been bad enough, you also had agencies and members of Congress aghast that they weren’t given the chance to prevent it.

"Trump’s campaign was successful, but it was also a kind of stream-of-consciousness, seat-of-the-pants operation that didn’t seem all that coordinated. They still won, but now we’re seeing the same lack of organization and planning from the Trump White House. And the leaks suggest that they aren’t exactly running a tight ship — which may be putting it lightly."

 

Has President Trump already overreached? Russian journalist — not 1994 Stanley Cup winner — Alexey Kovalev says there are clear signs the Trump party is over in Russia, and his administration's chaotic style may not pan out for the president on Iran or in dealing with the risk-averse business community. But there's also a counterintuitive view coming from Australia that Trump, by dressing down Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, showed his counterpart what shrewdness really looks like.

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We're two weeks into the Trump administration and protests in the US show no signs of letting up. Almost 1,000 Yemeni grocers in New York City went on strike yesterday to protest Trump's travel ban. And after protests turned violent at the University of California, Berkeley, Trump himself threatened to withhold federal funds from the school. But if the "resistance" is to become a successful movement, Vox says it will take more than just protests.

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A speech by conservative firebrand Milo Yiannopoulos was canceled at UC Berkeley on Wednesday amid violent protests that prompted President Trump to suggest cutting federal funding to the university.
 
What a growing coalition of anti-Trump protesters can learn from the Tea Party’s success
Sociologists say it’s possible to build a movement against Trump. It will require more than protest.
 
 
It&#39;s been almost a week since two oil-carrying ships collided off the coast of southern India, and <strong><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the-ocean-looks-black-and-shiny-india-struggles-to-contain-clean-up-oil-spill/2017/02/02/2ebbdb3b-ce39-431c-9422-4afa19e98db1_story.html?utm_term=.a17605c843fd">the scene is still grim</a></strong>. &quot;The ocean looks black and shiny. The rocks are slippery with the slick,&rdquo; said one fisherman helping in the cleanup effort. Locals say the spill is devastating their fishing industry, but the government appears to have reacted poorly and denied the scope of the problem. (Reuters)</p>

It's been almost a week since two oil-carrying ships collided off the coast of southern India, and the scene is still grim. "The ocean looks black and shiny. The rocks are slippery with the slick,” said one fisherman helping in the cleanup effort. Locals say the spill is devastating their fishing industry, but the government appears to have reacted poorly and denied the scope of the problem. (Reuters)


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Trump blasted Turnbull over a refugee agreement and boasted about the magnitude of his electoral college win, said U.S. officials.
 
 

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